Dining at the Luna Settlement

John E. Worth*

© UWF Division of Anthropology and Archaeology

Understanding Food-Related Artifacts

A substantial number of the artifacts uncovered by University of West Florida archaeologists at the 1559-1561 Luna Settlement (Worth 2016; Worth et al. 2017) are directly related to eating, preparing, and transporting food.  This includes a wide range of broken pottery, including tin-enameled tablewares, lead-glazed and unglazed cookwares, and large ceramic storage and transport vessels, all made within the Spanish ceramic tradition, and produced either in Spain or in New Spain (Mexico).  Also included are Aztec-tradition ceramics produced by Mexican Indians and likely used by both Spaniards and Mexican Indians accompanying the expedition.  The total quantity of Spanish and Aztec ceramics analyzed as of 2019 is nearly 3,000 sherds, weighing more than 15 kilos.  Also present is a range of local Native American ceramics, which documents suggest may have been scavenged by members of the expedition from abandoned villages and camps for use by the Spanish (Worth 2018).  Other, less common food-related artifacts include remains of cooking and eating utensils such as knives and spoons. Wooden spoons have been found on the Emanuel Point shipwrecks offshore from the settlement.  The remnants of the food itself also constitute an important part of the archaeological record both on land and underwater. Charred plant remains, fragments of animal bone, and shell have been found on land, and a considerable diversity of well-preserved organic animal and plant remains have been recovered from the shipwrecks just offshore.

All these artifacts contribute to our understanding of the daily lives of the soldiers and other colonists who lived for two years at the Luna Settlement, providing an important supplement to narrative accounts and other documentary records of the expedition.  Both documentary and archaeological data illuminate how expedition members anticipated and prepared to sustain themselves when they originally sailed from Veracruz to Florida to establish a port settlement as a launching pad for pushing north and east across the interior Southeast to found a colony on the Atlantic coast of modern South Carolina.  The archaeology and the documents  also provide evidence for the strategies that the colonists adopted to survive after the bulk of their staple foods were lost in the hurricane just five weeks after their arrival (Hudson et al. 1989; Priestley 2010; Worth 2018).  Beginning on September 20, 1559, survivors were obligated to wait for relief fleets from Veracruz and Havana that only arrived at intervals of three to eight months, bringing decreasing quantities of foods that were rapidly consumed by the hungry settlers on Pensacola Bay (Bolte 2017).  Expedition members were ultimately forced to rely on whatever foodstuffs were available in the local natural environment, including deer,  fish,shellfish and local plants, or on whatever they could barter or take from local Indian groups who became increasingly antagonistic toward the hungry Spaniards.  Luna even moved the bulk of the army 40 leagues inland to an abandoned Indian village called Nanipacana along the Alabama River in an effort to relocate closer to a source of Native foodstuffs, The Spanish returned to Pensacola just five months later amidst increasing ambushes from local Indian groups who had withdrawn and hidden with all their food.  A 200-man Spanish detachment remained in the interior for an additional four months living off food provided for them in the province of Coosa at the foothills of the Appalachian Mountains in Northwest Georgia before returning to Pensacola late in 1560.

If we are to understand what the distribution and relative proportions of broken ceramics and other food-related artifacts on the Luna Settlement are actually telling us, not just regarding what and how people prepared and ate their food, but how the food and food-related items were distributed among the soldiers, sailors, and families on the expedition, then we must develop a sound understanding of the nature of dining in the 16th-century Spanish colonial world, both in Spain and in its established New World colonies. We must also consider a variety of social contexts ranging from private households to ships’ crews to terrestrial military units.  Since archaeologists often use the types and quantities of artifacts found in different areas of an archaeological site as a means of revealing the identity and relative social status of individuals living there, it behooves us to develop a sound model of how and by whom food and the utensils, vessels, and containers used to transport, store, prepare, cook, and serve it were originally purchased and provisioned for the expedition, and how and by whom they would have been utilized on a daily basis at the Luna Settlement site.  This blog post, and others that follow, will explore these subjects in greater detail for the mid-16th-century Spanish colonial world.

The Organization of Dining

The Luna expedition was first and foremost a military one, as its primary goal was to establish a permanent Spanish presence in southeastern North America, which was at the time viewed as an extremely vulnerable flank of the primary route for the Spanish treasure fleets returning from the New World via Havana and the Florida Straits (a.k.a. the Bahama Channel).  The Viceroy of New Spain, Luis de Velasco, developed a strategy in consultation with his advisors to establish a first port settlement at the Bay of Ochuse (Pensacola Bay), then push quickly inland to retrace Hernando de Soto’s 1540 route between central Alabama and central South Carolina, and then descend to the Atlantic coast and establish a second port colony at what maps called the Punta de Santa Elena.  While the ultimate goal was to populate these new Spanish colonial port towns with permanent settlers to begin the long process of developing a local economy and expanding across the landscape, the 1559 expedition under Tristán de Luna y Arellano was mostly made up of soldiers (including 100 Mexica nobles as “Indian soldiers”) who would move quickly across the interior on horseback and on foot, along with assorted servants, slaves, a group of Mexican Indian craftsmen, and some family members.  Although Luna and other officers and royal officials probably intended eventually to settle and remain long-term, few actually brought their families on this first expedition, which was more than anything an initial Spanish army foray meant to precede later colonists.

Without going into great detail here, the organization of Luna’s expedition followed the broad parameters of the typical Spanish tercio military structure in Europe (a good example of the composition of an entire army from 1591 is found in Barado y Font 1884:552-555).  With Luna himself as captain-general of this army, assisted by a number of field-grade officers over the entire army (most notably the field master, or maese de campo, and the sergeant major, or sargento mayor, and also including a doctor, principal bailiff, general ensign, royal notary, and a few others), the rest of the officers and soldiers were divided into distinct infantry and cavalry companies comprising roughly 50 men each.  Each company had a captain (capitan), an ensign (alférez), a sergeant (sargento), and a handful of other company-grade officers, along with several corporals (cabos de esquadra) who served as  leaders of smaller squads of soldiers within each company, commonly comprising 25 men.  A contemporary example of this is Captain Juan Pardo’s company, sent as reinforcements to Florida in 1566, which had 250 men with 1 captain, 1 ensign, 1 sergeant, 1 fife, 2 drummers, 1 barber-surgeon, and 10 corporals over squads of 25 men each (Spanish Crown 1565).  After arrival, this company was divided in two to explore far inland, including just 7 corporals with squads under the same company officers (Hudson 1990:224, 271).  Separate from the formal military organization, but parallel to it, were three high-level royal officials, including a quartermaster (factor), treasurer (tesorero), and accountant (contador), as well as a single chaplain and six Dominican friars brought as missionaries who also served as priests to the Spanish members of the expedition.  Once 7 of the original 12 ships comprising Luna’s fleet had been destroyed, surviving sailors and ships’ officers were also incorporated into the settlement, at least temporarily.

The key element for understanding patterns in the distribution and relative proportions of food-related artifacts like pottery at the Luna Settlement is the basic unit of food preparation and consumption in both terrestrial armies and shipboard crews, which was the camarada, equivalent to the rancho, or mess. In Luna’s time, groups of soldiers who formed a rancho were called a camarada, the word deriving from the term cámara, or room, which refers to a group of soldiers quartered together.  Each camarada was comprised of between 5 and 10 soldiers who prepared and ate their rations together, who divided tasks such as cooking and cleaning, and who pooled at least part of their salaries for common expenses.  The rationale for this practice was reiterated in a 1632 royal ordinance that directed the renewal of the practice, which had fallen into disuse by that time. The ordinance explained that “one soldier on his own cannot support the necessary expenses with his salary, as several joining together can do,” and noted that the practice of living in camaradas reduced the “multiplicity of the baggage” carried by armies in the field (Spanish Crown 1632).  Moreover, each camarada or rancho had a leader selected by its members. A later 1728 royal ordinance reinforced the practice of dividing companies up in ranchos, noting that “each rancho should have a leader [cabo] at the election of the soldiers comprising it, and this person should be in charge of its money” (Spanish Crown 1728). 

A 1669 author described the routine activities of these ranchos:

…in each rancho they should have their pot [olla], and plate of copper or wood, hatchet, and splitting axe, and they should be distributed within the camaradas in order to carry them, and likewise one person each day should take care that there is everything to make the pot [of food], and this person, upon arriving at their quarters, should remain in it, guarding their belongings and starting up the fire with his fire-starting bag (which they should likewise have) while the others go out for straw, firewood, vegetables, or whatever the country offers, perhaps by water not being close by the squadron.  And thus there is necessary someone to bring, and someone to guard the containers or packs that each one should have in order to carry garlic, peppers, and their clothing, and the rest of the neccesaries for life and cleanliness (Dávila Orejón Gastón 1669:104).

This same author recommended that ranchos “not be less than five, nor should they exceed eight” (Dávila Orejón Gastón 1669:111), but another oft-cited 17th-century letter from an ambassador in Venice noted that camaradas were formed when “eight or ten unite to live together” (Martínez Laínez and Sánchez de Toca 2006:64-65).

As the 16th-century manifestation of the rancho, camaradas, therefore, seem to have been the basic economic and residential unit of unmarried soldiers in terrestrial armies during Luna’s time.  The men comprising these camaradas evidently both purchased and owned equipment, supplies, and food in common when circumstances allowed them opportunities to use their salaries and ration allowances.  Even when on expeditions in more remote territories like mid-16th-century Florida, the camarada was the unit to which rations, munitions, and other supplies and equipment were actually distributed and utilized.  Within each company, it was the sergeant’s responsibility to distribute food, munitions, and other supplies to the corporals in charge of each squad, giving an account to the ensign and captain as his superiors (Eguiluz 1595:18r; Gallo 1639:13v).  The corporals, on the other hand, were to ensure that the soldiers in their individual squads actually made and lived in camaradas. It was even specifically recommended that corporals should not be married men, because  in that case neither could they be a part of a camarada themselves, nor could the camarada to which the corporal belonged come to the corporal’s home (Eguiluz 1595:7r; Gallo 1639:11r-v).

Shipboard ranchos were similar to terrestrial ones, but limitations of space combined with the need to maintain a state of vigilance and readiness at all times meant that individual ranchos normally took turns using the one or two fogones, or firepits, on board, and sharing shipboard cooking gear in common.  The 18th-century version of this system is described in great detail in 1793 Spanish naval ordinances.  The ordinances state how sailors and officers were to be divided up into distinct ranchos of between 8 and 12 men, depending on the size of the vessel and the number and distribution of the artillery to which specific ranchos were assigned (Spanish Crown 1793).  While ships during Luna’s era were smaller and had correspondingly smaller crews, the descriptions of the basic system are nonetheless instructive.  Each rancho assigned cooking duties on a rotation, and each cook:

…will provide himself in the dispensary with the pots [ollas], cauldrons [calderos], large spoons [cucharones] and other utensils for their tasks, with the ship master making a list of what is delivered, which will serve as a receipt, overseen by the detail officer, each one of them responsible for that which they have received…The aforementioned delivery should be done in the mornings, after the guard of the firepits have confirmed that the cauldrons are clean and ready for cooking, comprising at the same time the goods that correspond to the afternoon meal...(Spanish Crown 1793:26-28).

Married men, however,  were permitted to go to land and eat and sleep with their families while in port, a practice that seems also to have been the case with married soldiers in a terrestrial army.

Given all the above, we can hypothesize that at the Luna Settlement, the spatial distribution of artifacts and other material debris and traces of both residence and food preparation and cooking activities will mirror the spatial distribution of the many camaradas, or ranchos, that must have characterized daily life among the majority of the soldiers that comprised the expedition.  If we set aside the contingent of field-grade and upper company-grade officers, which might have comprised as much as 50 of the 500-550 soldiers to have accompanied Luna, along with at least 36 married soldiers who are documented to have brought their wives and some children, and who thus likely lived and ate with their families, then we might be looking at a potential range of between 40 and 90 individual camaradas, or ranchos, which acted as basic dining/residential units across most of the settlement.  Each one of these smaller units would likely have utilized a common set of cooking and serving containers and utensils, originally purchased or supplied to each company (which was the basic unit of equipment designation in the Luna expedition account records) and then distributed by its sergeant to the corporals and their camaradas.   However, each camarada might instead have purchased some of these supplies on their own using pooled portions of their initial advance pay of 100-150 pesos issued to each soldier in Mexico City, or they might simply have supplemented more general company equipment and supplies using such funds.  Some company equipment might also have been shared among several camaradas, since not all soldiers necessarily dined simultaneously due to guard duty or patrols.

One possible configuration of the internal structure of a 50-man company on the Luna expedition.

In addition to the localized archaeological signature of each camarada/rancho, we would also expect to find traces of individual residences with associated cooking areas for the highest-level officers (the governor/captain-general, the three royal officials, a handful of other field-grade officers, and perhaps 10-12 company captains), all of whom by their elevated status and substantially-greater salaries and prior wealth would have been able to purchase or bring along their own more individualized set of equipment and supplies.  Such individuals are also all either documented or likely to have brought along either hired servants or in some cases slaves as well.  The chaplain likely had his own residence, and the Dominicans presumably resided and dined in common as well.  Whether or not the 100 noble Aztec soldiers or estimated 100 other Mexican Indian craftsmen who accompanied the expedition also formed their own separate ranchos and lived in common is at present undocumented,although this seems likely given the broader military dining/residential system described above.  The size and configuration of such Mexican Indian dining/residential units may have been quite different from that of the Spanish camaradas, but if not, they might have added another 20-40 locations on the landscape.  Using these estimates, the number of individual dining/residential units on the Luna Settlement  might be in the range of 75-150 distinct units.

What all of this means from an archaeological standpoint is that if we take the area of the upper terrace portion of the Luna Settlement where the soldiers and others seem to have been living, which has been found through UWF shovel testing to be 9 hectares (90,000 square meters), but which when enclosed in a rectangular outline might be as much as 11 hectares (110,000 square meters), then the average size of each dining/residential unit corresponding to the 75-150 hypothesized camaradas/ranchos discussed above would be 600 to 733 square meters each on the low end, to between 733 and 1467 square meters on the high end.  These hypothetical areas would correspond to circles measuring 28 to 31 meters up to 39 to 43 meters in diameter (averaging 35 meters in diameter), or squares measuring 24 to 27 meters up to 35 to 38 meters on a side (averaging 31 meters on a side).  How or if these hypothetical camaradas and other ranchos or residences were laid out with respect to the original planned town grid of 140 lots described by the Viceroy in 1559 before the expedition’s departure is unclear, but this may eventually be revealed through careful, long-term archaeological research to document the locations of concentrations of artifacts and subsurface features related to structures, refuse disposal, or other activities.

The Equipment of Dining

Given the inference that most of the dining/residential units at the Luna Settlement were likely to have been camaradas consisting of some 5-10 men who used a single set of storage, cooking, and serving equipment in common, and who withdrew food (even if on short rations) from the same common warehouse source, presumably supplemented by gathering, fishing, hunting, or scavenging, what would such a set of equipment have looked like? 

While my ongoing in-depth documentary research into the dietary range of 16th-century Spaniards in both Spain and its New World colonies is beyond the scope of this article (but see some details in Cook et al. 2016), a few brief observations are instructive here.  Shipboard rations for Spanish military vessels during the mid-16th century provide one reasonable baseline for the most basic military diet of Luna’s era.  As can be seen from the table below, distilled principally from detailed records from 1563 and 1576 fleets based in Spain, the average daily diet included just over two-thirds of a kilo of hardtack, just under a third of a kilo of assorted proteins varying in type based on religious requirements, about a liter of wine, small servings of legumes and/or rice, and small amounts of vinegar and olive oil for flavoring and cooking, plus salt, garlic, and other available spices.

Average Daily Spanish Military Rations, Mid-16th-Century
Item	Amt.	Span. Meas.	Amt.	Metric Meas.
Hardtack	24	onzas	0.690	kilograms
Legumes*	0.005	almudes	0.022	liters
Rice	0.229	onzas	0.007	kilograms
Proteins*	10.191	onzas	0.296	kilograms
Wine	0.5	azumbres	1.008	liters
Vinegar	0.053	azumbres	0.107	liters
Olive Oil	0.017	azumbres	0.034	liters
*Legumes included fava beans and chickpeas; proteins included pork, beef, fish, and cheese.

The cooking and serving equipment normally kept on board each ship to prepare these rations was actually quite limited, at least based on inventories found for 1558 and 1575 fleets, and typically included one or two copper cauldrons or kettles, two or three cooking pots (ollas), commonly ceramic but sometimes copper, several spoons of wood, iron, or copper, several axes for splitting firewood, a small number of pitchers and jugs of ceramic or copper for serving wine, and at least as many plates [platos] and bowls [escudillas] as there were crew members, sometimes ceramic but also commonly made of wood.  Shipboard cooking seems clearly to have been dominated by one-pot meals.

The more typical terrestrial diet for 16th-century Spaniards was quite a bit more diverse, and involved a broader range of cooking and serving gear.  My ongoing analysis of the 1560 edition of the Ruperto de Nola cookbook, originally published in 1520 in the Catalán language, provides some preliminary insights that are useful in understanding the material culture of 16th-century dining in Spain.  The recipes in the book include a large number of stews called pottages containing meat and vegetables, eggs, and spices.  Among the most common ingredients in the recipe book are the items in the following table, demonstrating quite a bit of diversity in the Iberian Spanish diet, at least among the most well-to-do families (Nola was the king’s chef).  Even though many of these foods were likely unavailable or rare and expensive in the New World, they at least provide a sense of what “fine dining” might have looked like in Luna’s time.

Type	Item (English)	Item (Spanish)
fruits	grapes	ubas
fruits	oranges	naranjas
fruits	pomegranate	granadas
fruits	quince	membrillos
grains	bread	pan
liquids	honey	miel
liquids	olive oil	aceite
liquids	rose water	agua rosada
liquids	vinegar	vinagre
liquids	wine	vino
nuts	almonds	almendras
nuts	hazelnuts	avellanas
nuts	pine nuts	piñones
proteins	bacon	tocino
proteins	beef	carne
proteins	broth	caldo
proteins	cheese	queso
proteins	chicken	pollo
proteins	eggs	huevos
proteins	goat, kid	cabrito
proteins	goat, milk	cabras, leche de
proteins	hen	gallina
proteins	milk	leche
proteins	ram	carnero
proteins	sheep, milk	ovejas, leche de
spices	cilantro	culantro seco
spices	cinnamon	canela
spices	cloves	clavos
spices	ginger	gingibre
spices	mint	hierba buena
spices	nutmeg	nuezes moscadas
spices	parsley	perejil
spices	pepper	pimienta
spices	saffron	azafran
spices	salt	sal
spices	spices, mixed	especias
spices	sugar	azucar

Based on the texts of Nola’s recipes, the commonly-used cooking containers were pots [ollas] and casserole dishes [cazuelas], along with metal frying pans [sartenes]. Most of these pots and casseroles seem to have been ceramic, though metal (iron) ones were also noted.  There are also references to saucepans [cazos], presumably metal.  All these were normally used directly over fire or hot coals, though oven roasting was also common, and in the absence of ovens this could be replicated over hot coals by lidded casseroles.  Apart from knives and wooden cutting boards, utensils seem mostly wooden, including spoons and sticks for stirring.  Worsted wool/serge was the most common filter for sauces, as well as seives made from bristles.  A list of cooking items explicitly noted in the cookbook is below:

Item (English)	Item (Spanish)
basket	cesta, espuerta
bowl	escudilla
cane stirrer	caña
casserole	cazuela
cauldron	caldera
cloth	paño
cutting board	tajador
feather	pluma
grill	parrillas
jug	cantaro
knife	cuchillo
oven	horno
paddle/spatula	paleta
pan	sarten
paper	papel
plate	plato
pot	olla
rag	trapo
serge fabric	estameña
sieve	cedazo
sieve, silk	tamiz
spit/roaster	asador
spoon	cuchara
stick, wooden	palo de madera
storage jar	tinajuela
string	hilo
washbasin	aljafana

In terms of serving, pottages, stews, and broths were overwhelmingly served in bowls [escudillas] (which are also sometimes used in the cooking process as measuring or mixing containers).  There are also many references to serving on plates [platos], and sometimes larger platters.  His instructions on serving beverages to important personages also makes it clear that the pitcher [jarro] was used to serve water on the table, and drinking cups called copas or tazas were used at the table for drinking liquids.

As an important addition to the above list, while originally based on the Iberian ideal, the dietary regime of Spaniards in New Spain was somewhat more limited in terms of Spanish foods, but also incorporated local foods that were either absent or uncommon in Spain.  Most relevant here, the foods originally transported with Luna’s first fleet represented a mix of both Spanish and New Spanish products, most notably exemplified by the fact that some two thirds of the grain rations that would normally have been exclusively hardtack or bread made from wheat flour in Spain were instead provided in the form of dried corn, amounting to just over 288,000 kilos of dried corn accompanying just under 140,000 kilos of hardtack and wheat flour.  What this meant is that an additional suite of food preparation items were also required for the Luna expedition, including basalt manos and metates used for grinding corn after soaking it in lye to make hominy, wooden trays called bateas used to hold the corn masa before it was made into fresh tortillas, and ceramic griddles caled comales used to cook the tortillas for eating.  As a result, we can add these items to our anticipated set of cooking and serving equipment in each camarada or other residence at the Luna Settlement.

One additional consideration is the fact that the hungry members of the Luna expedition were ultimately forced to rely not just on whatever foods they could scavenge from abandoned Indian villages and camps, but also on edible plants and animals they found in the environs of their settlements at Ochuse (at Pensacola) and Nanipacana (in Alabama).  They may therefore have intentionally equipped themselves with local Native-made pottery and other cooking implements, and perhaps adapted their own equipment for new uses in preparing exotic foods.  An example of this can be found in the Dominican narrative of the expedition, likely authored by fray Domingo de la Anunciación within the volume originally assembled by Agustín Dávila Padilla in 1596.  He described that:

They found some bitter acorns, so bad tasting that even their hunger rejected them, and with all this they found the need to season them so that they could be eaten.  The Spaniards soaked them and put them in saltwater until their bitter flavor was exchanged for the flavor of the salt; then they put them in fresh water so that they would lose their saltiness, and with one bit of knowledge and another that they applied, in the end they could be eaten (Dávila Padilla 1625:200-201).

As noted above, documentary and archaeological evidence confirms that local Indian ceramics were definitely obtained and used by the Luna expedition members, which adds one more dimension to the standard set of cooking and serving equipment we would expect to be present at the locations where each camarada or other residential unit would have lived and dined.

Future Research

Ultimately, unless far more detailed documentary records emerge regarding the exact equipment and supplies carried, owned, and used by the various populations within the Luna expedition, we will have to rely on archaeological data to fill in the details of daily life at the settlement, including who lived where, and how they each struggled to survive under increasingly more dire circumstances between 1559 and 1560.  Doing so, however, will require us to marshal a wide range of documentary and comparative archaeological data to understand the exact relationship between the distribution of broken ceramic cooking and serving vessels and many other traces of human activity on the site, and the actual activities that occurred in and around the locations where these are found, as well as the identities of the people who lived there in the 16th century.  The discussion above is just one piece in that broader puzzle.

*Thanks are due to Elizabeth D. Benchley and Christina L. Bolte for editorial help.

References Cited

Barado y Font, Francisco

1884    Museo Militar: Historia, Indumentaria, Armas, Sistemas de Combate, Instituciones, Organización del Ejercito Español, Tomo II: Segunda mitad del Siglo XVI - Siglo XVII - Siglo XVIII.  Barcelona: Editorial de Evaristo Ullastres.  https://books.google.com/books?id=R6M1AQAAMAAJ&pg=PP11#v=onepage&q&f=false

Bolte, Christina L.

2017    “From the North a Fierce Tempest”: Disaster, Relief, and the Failure of the 1559-1561 Tristán de Luna y Arellano Settlement. Paper presented at the 2017 North American Society for Oceanic History Conference, Charleston, South Carolina.

Cook, Gregory D., John R. Bratten, and John E. Worth other authors on report?

2016    Exploring Luna’s 1559 Fleet: Final Report for Florida Division of Historic Resources Special Category Grant SC 503.  Report of Investigations #202, Archaeology Institute, University of West Florida, Pensacola.

Dávila Orejón Gastón, Francisco

1669    Politica y mecanica militar para sargento mayor de tercio.  Madrid: Julian de Paredes.

https://books.google.com/books?id=wyX-R9bvZlsC&pg=PA11#v=onepage&q&f=false

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Gallo, Antonio

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1990    The Juan Pardo Expeditions: Exploration of the Carolinas and Tennessee, 1566-1568.  Washington: Smithsonian Institution Press.

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2006    Tercios de España: Una Infantería Legendaria.  Madrid: Editorial EDAF. 

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Priestly, Herbert Ingram

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Spanish Crown

1565    Decree to Juan Paez [Pardo], August 24, 1565.  Legajo 19, Ramo 18, Patronato, Archivo General de Indias, Seville, Spain. 

1632    Ordenanzas Militares de Felipe IV.  MSS 9422, Biblioteca Nacional, Madrid, Spain.  http://bdh-rd.bne.es/viewer.vm?id=0000100302&page=1

1728    Ordenanzas de su Magestad, para el Regimen, Disciplina, Subordinacion, y Servicio de la Infanteria, Cavalleria, y Dragones de sus Exercitos, en Guarnicion, y en Campaña.  Madrid: Imprenta de Juan de Ariztia.

https://books.google.com/books?id=5bycyVDYNfsC&pg=PP5#v=onepage&q&f=false

1793    Ordenanzas generales de la armada naval. Parte primera. Sobre la gobernacion militar y marinera de la armada en general, y uso de sus fuerzas en la mar.  Tomo II.  Madrid: Imprenta Real.  https://books.google.com/books?id=P84-lrYpdPAC&pg=PP7#v=onepage&q&f=false

Worth, John E.

2016    Preliminary Observations on the Archaeological Assemblage of the 1559-1561 Tristán de Luna Settlement.  Paper presented at the 49th Annual Conference of the Society for Historical Archaeology, Washington, D.C., Jan. 9, 2016.  https://pages.uwf.edu/jworth/WorthSHA2016.pdf

2018a  Florida’s Forgotten Colony: Historical Background.  In Florida’s Lost Galleon: The Emanuel Point Shipwreck, ed. by Roger C. Smith, pp. 34-67.  University Press of Florida, Gainesville.

2018b    New Insights into Spanish-Native Relations during the Luna Expedition, 1559-1561.  Paper presented at the 70th Annual Meeting of the Florida Anthropological Society, St. Petersburg, Florida, May 12, 2018. https://pages.uwf.edu/jworth/Worth%202018_FAS.pdf

Worth, John E., Elizabeth D. Benchley, Janet R. Lloyd, and Jennifer Melcher

2017    The Discovery and Exploration of Tristán de Luna’s 1559-1561 Settlement on Pensacola Bay.  Paper presented at the 69th Annual Meeting of the Florida Anthropological Society, Jacksonville, Florida, May 6, 2017.  https://pages.uwf.edu/jworth/Worth%20et%20al%202017_FAS.pdf